By Patrick Wemambu
Reserving legislative seats has been touted as an interventionist scheme for effectively increasing the numeric representation of women in government. It is said to serve as a critical short-term corrective measure against systemic barriers.
With women making up half of Nigeria’s population, their representation in elected offices is currently put at a mere 4.43%. Far below the global parity target of 35%, the statistics does not guarantee a critical mass of female voices in parliament.
Currently, Nigeria has only 20 female lawmakers in both chambers of the National Assembly – with 16 in the House of Representatives and four in the Senate – out of a total of 469 legislators, which is why the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre, (PLAC) with support from the European Union (EU) organized a civil society roundtable last Thursday in Abuja on the proposed Women’s Special Seats Bill to strengthen advocacy for increased women’s representation in elective offices.
The roundtable provided a platform for civil society actors, women’s rights advocates, governance stakeholders and development partners to review recent developments around the Bill, consider emerging proposals on the design and implementation of the additional seats, and agree on strategic advocacy priorities ahead of legislative voting and broader public engagement.
Participants also reflected on the implications of the proposed Electoral College Model and identified areas requiring clarification, improvement and coordinated civil society engagement.
Yet, not a few HeForShe advocates would fail to feel a strange sense of déjà vu immediately when the issue of reserved seats for women is mentioned.
Going down the memory boulevard, the struggle would have succeeded in 2022 but for inadequate votes in the National Assembly. Whereas 73 votes were needed in the red chambers to pass the bill, 30 senators voted in its favour with 58 voting against it.
Conversely in the green chambers, 208 out of 290 lawmakers rejected the proposal which was part of 5 gender-focused bills considered during the 5th constitution alteration in the 9th National Assembly.
It fell short of the required two-thirds majority in both chambers. Sponsored by Hon. Nkeiruka Onyejeocha, the bill sought to create an additional 111 special seats for women: 3 per state and 1 for FCT in both the upper and lower legislative houses. Despite high-profile support from the then First Lady, Aisha Buhari and Dolapo Osinbajo who were present during voting and protests by 229 women groups, most lawmakers still voted no.
Fast forward to 2026, what is different now? A new version of the bill, ‘HB 1349/SB 440’ has reduced the seats to 74 while adding a 16-year sunset clause to address concerns about a bloated NASS.
How will this garner sufficient political consensus among lawmakers? The reduced numbers should address the ‘bloated legislature’ concerns of the past with the clear framework to track impact on women’s representation running for 4-cycle election period, inclusivity and implementation devices as stronger political strategies.
The goal is still additional seats, not taking existing ones away. Women in reserved seats will have the same powers, rights, and can still contest regular seats. Electoral method being proposed has some notable support rooting for indirect polls through Electoral Colleges supervised by INEC.
Though the bill scaled second reading in July 2024, it is yet to be passed at press time today in July 2026. As regards elite endorsements, the move has the backing of President Tinubu with his wife, Senate President, Speaker, Nigerian Governors Forum, among others.
A Joint Working Committee is also in place to liaise with party leaders, religious and traditional rulers for their buy-in.
Just as proponents are busy vigorously canvassing for the reserved seats bill, opponents point to the inherent limitations of the proposal.
This has elicited the question if the motion should be treated as tokenism or transformation. Critics warn that reserved seats can sometimes create symbolic, ‘token’ roles rather than providing women with real power or influence in core decision-making.
If the selection process for these seats depends heavily on established (and often male-dominated) party structures or an electoral college, party ‘godfathers’ might hijack the process to install loyalists – it is alleged.
Legitimacy Issues have similarly been raised. Women elected through reserved spaces may face public and political scrutiny over their mandate and qualifications, potentially undermining perceptions of their merit, we are told.
What then is the way forward? Ahead of the pending legislative voting on constitutional amendment bills and the National Assembly Open Week, scheduled to commence on Tuesday, 14th July 2026, conversations on constitutional reforms and the proposal to create Special Seats for Women must intensify.
This is even as the issue of more seats for women in parliament has become an overdue idea. To make reserved seats a stepping stone rather than a permanent handout, advocates – such as those backing the Reserved Seats for Women Initiative – argue that these policies must not be designed as temporary frameworks.
Furthermore, they must be paired with complementary measures, such as strengthening anti-discrimination laws, enforcing campaign finance limits, and dismantling the cultural barriers that discourage women from participating in open, competitive elections.
Cultural and religious resistance would require critical attention since similar gender bills have repeatedly faced resistance over the concerns in question in the past.
And yes, quotas like the reserved seats bill can offer an immediate pathway to bridge the gender gap in political participation. For instance, in countries like Nigeria, where women currently hold under 5% of elective legislative seats, this intervention should guarantee a critical mass of female voices in parliament.
Modelled after successful implementations in over 130 countries, this strategy has helped nations like Rwanda achieve some of the highest rates of female parliamentary participation in the world.
Suffice it to say, a balanced legislature ensures that policies impacting women, child welfare, healthcare, and education are given adequate priority.
This leads us to another pertinent question. Is the reserved seats challenge tied to the 2027 elections? Of course, they are directly related. In terms of timeline, pass it now; use it in 2027 before INEC commences preparations for the polls.
If both chambers of the National Assembly and 24 State Assemblies approve the Bill by 2026, INEC can create the new seats and include them in the 2027 election guidelines. Once that window is missed, the next chance would be 2031. That is why women’s groups must push harder now.
Luckily, there is a 16-year sunset clause which means if passed now; it would cover 2027, 2031, 2035, and 2039. For 2027, political parties will have to nominate women for these new seats. That changes candidate selection, primaries, and campaign spending.
Parties that move early to recruit and fund women will have an advantage. As a parting shot, if reserved seats fail to see the light of the day by making it into INEC’s timetable, then it cannot happen in 2027.
Consequently, the bill would have become both a policy fight and an election strategy for parties, women candidates, and civil society.
